McClellan Vs. Grant

Any Grant Vs. Mac comparison has to begin with the understanding that Grant had it much, much easier in April ’64 than McClellan in April ’62. Others have listed the advantages. Of course Grant was also much more willing to go along with Lincolns military “suggestions” then McClellan. (And if Grant got ticked off at Lincoln, he certainly never made the mistake of venting his anger in letters to his wife). Of course, they were too different kinds of men and were in different circumstances. The Civil War was Grants big chance to make it big and he doesn’t seem have been very political before the war. McClellan OTOH was a RR President and going back into the Army was a financial sacrifice for him. He was also opposed to the Radical Republican agenda. So when Stanton and Halleck started bad mouthing and treating with contempt after Seven Days he wasn’t the least bit inclined to pander to them; instead it was more of “I’ll tell you what I think and if you don’t like it – fire me”. Something Grant never would do.

Civil war Draft Stats

Date of Draft	Examined	Unfit	Exempt	Paid Commutation	Provided Substitute	Served
July 1863	252.566	81,131	83,264	52,288	26,002	9,811
March 1864	84,957	21,473	18,479	32,678	8,911	3,146
July 1864	138,536	42,589	39.942	1,298	28,502	26,205
Dec 1864	46,128	14,210	14,421	460	10,192	6,845
Total	522,187	159,403	156,106	86,724	73,607	46,347

Civil war Conscription: North vs. South

Confederate

April 16th 1862 - First Conscription Act. Men ages 18-35 held to service for 3 years.  Those in army, are held to service for 3 years after their term of enlistment.  Soldiers over 35 could leave the army 90 days after expiration of their term of enlistment. Substitution is allowed.

October 11th, 1862 - Second Conscription Act.  President given authority to draft men 36-45.  Twenty Negro exemption - one white overseer for every twenty slaves, is highly unpopular.

July 15th 1863-  Jefferson Davis calls up men ages 36-45.

January 5th 1864 - Substitution abolished.  Principals ages 18-45, previously exempt,  are called to service.  Legal action ensues.  The principles argue the Confederate government has broken a contract.  They lose in court and are pressed into service.

February 17th 1864 -  All soldiers term of service is extended to "for duration of war". Boys aged 17, and Men 46-50 are held to service in the Home Guard. Confederate government will procure 20,000 slaves/freed blacks for employment with the Army as teamster or cooks, or in the way of work upon the fortifications, or in the Government workshops, or in hospitals or other similar duties,

November 17, 1864 - Jefferson Davis proposes purchasing 40,000 slaves to be used in non-combat roles. They could also be used in combat if necessary.  Freedom would be given upon discharge from the army.

March 13, 1865 - President Davis authorized to recruit slaves as Confederate Soldiers.

Union

March 3, 1863 - First Conscription (Enrollment) act.  White Men 20-45 are held to service. However, married men over 35 must not be called into service until all other men have served.  Therefore, in practice, married men over 35 are exempt.  Substitution is allowed.  Payment of a $300 commutation fee discharges any liability.  Term of service is 3 years.

February 24. 1864 -  $300 Commutation fee now provides relief from only the current draft or for 1 year, whichever is less.  Discharged soldiers with 2 years service are exempt.  Colored men are subject to service with the same obligations and pay as whites.  Drafted men can now serve for 1, 2, or 3 years.

July 4th, 1864 - $300 Commutation Fee is repealed, except for religious objectors. The distinction between married men over 35 and others is eliminated.

NY Draft Riots - The Police Save the Mayor's House

Further confirmation of the riot and its proportions meantime had reached headquarters, and the men were being rapidly organized, formed into companies, and put under different commanders. About 4 P. M. word was received that Mayor Opdtke's house, in Fifth Avenue, was being attacked. Inspector Carpenter at once took command of a force of two hundred. Before leaving he addressed his men, telling them they " had to meet and to put down a mob ; to take no prisoners ; to strike quick and strike hard."

A speedy march was taken to and up Broadway, and when the force reached Bond Street a body of rioters was seen marching down and near to Amity. They bore a huge board banner, inscribed " No Draft," and desecrated the American flag by bearing it in their midst. The two forces sighted each other unexpectedly. The rioters, fresh from the attempted sacking of Mayor Opdyke's house, had marched from Fourteenth Street down Broadway, armed with clubs, pitchforks, iron bars, swords, and many with guns and pistols. Every colored man they met had been abused and mercilessly beaten. Terror seized pedestrians and' storekeepers ; the former hurried out of the way ; the latter hastily closed and barred doors and windows. Vehicles turned to the right and left, and to a thousand vile-visaged and lawless men the undisputed right of way was surrendered. The intention of this gang, openly avowed,, was to enter the Lafarge House, where colored servants were employed, and do havoc to them and it.

Most fortunately, police protection was at hand. Quick as thought, on the first glimpse of them, Inspector Carpenter gave the successive orders, just in front of the La-Farge, " By the right flank ! Company, front ! Double quick, charge !" and, with upraised clubs, in splendid order did they obey. Inspector Carpenter, with reckless but characteristic courage, was far ahead of his \ command, and, for a moment, among the mob single and alone. He had the first blow, drew the first blood, selecting for his victim a powerfully built ruffian, defiantly brandishing his club ; a terrific blow upon his head from the Inspector, and he was left to the attention of others, while Mr. Carpenter, with the men now beside him, went in for a literal fulfillment of his order on leaving headquarters.

The mob, bewildered at the sudden meeting, staggered at the outset by the determined onset of the police, were unable to rally for effective fight. The clubs flew rapidly and surely upon devoted heads, a score lay prostrate upon the street, two were killed, the " No Draft " banner captured and destroyed, and the " Stars and Stripes " made prize of and carried in the ranks of those who, by word or deed, would never dishonor them. In five minutes the victory was complete, and the ruffians, save those who lay in the streets, dispersed in all directions, leaving strewn around weapons, villainous and of all descriptions. The contest was witnessed by thousands, cheers greeted the police on their charge, and after the fight they were renewed with double earnestness.

 This was the first regular fight with the mob. The force did not know how many they were meeting, nor did they care ; and nobly was their courage vindicated. Inspector Carpenter incurred a risk for which he might have paid the penalty of his life, and it is wonderful he did not ; but he escaped uninjured, and left record on heads and bodies which will be long borne and remembered. Immediately reforming his men, and cool as though naught had happened, he marched to the Mayor's house, Fifth Avenue ; but finding all quiet, returned to headquarters. Reports of the fight on Broadway had reached there, and, on the appearance of himself and force with the captured flag, they were greeted with enthusiastic cheers.

The New York City Draft Riots - July 1863

The riots commenced on Monday morning, July 13, and were not;entirely suppressed until the following Friday. The only protection the city had, on the outbreak, was the Metropolitan Police,all the regularly organized militia regiments being off in the service of the Government.

The riot which commenced on the first day of the Draft was ostensibly in opposition to it, but early took the character of an outbreak for the purposes of pillage, and also of outrage upon the colored population. For the first three days business in the city was almost entirely suspended, the railroads and omnibuses ceased running, the stores on Broadway, the avenues, and throughout the greater portion of the city were closed, and prowling gangs of ruffians rendered it unsafe to walk the streets.

The services of the Metropolitan Police, officers and men, during Riot Week, won for them the admiration and confidence of the community. Never did men meet an emergency so fearful with more promptness, unanimity, and courage, and never was hazardous and prolonged duty discharged with more willingness and fidelity. There was no flinching or faltering in any quarter, and to their courageous and unaided efforts on Monday and Tuesday can be attributed the safety of the more valuable portions of the city.

The riot broke upon them unexpectedly, and when they were the only force to meet it; rallying on; sudden warning, they did meet it, and, by their well-concerted action, their speedy movements, and their determined assaults upon the mobs in the different localities, they gave the rioters no time to correctly estimate their own strength or properly estimate the weakness, at the time, of the authorities. Had it not been for this, there is scarce a doubt that the greater excesses which were in contemplation, the raid;into the lower portions of the city, the pillaging visit to Wall Street and the Government buildings, would have been consummated, and a period of destruction, plunder, and carnage have ensued to an extent most fearful, and to which what did occur would have been as nothing.

On Tuesday afternoon the police were strengthened by the military and then commenced exemplary work with the rioters ; on all but two or three occasions the military fired directly into the mobs, and with ' deadly effect. The number killed by the police and the military in the different conflicts, when alone and united, can never be ascertained ; it is estimated by those who witnessed the terrible scenes, and have the' best opportunity of judging, at from four hundred to five hundred. The bodies of those killed on the spot were hurriedly taken off, and, in many cases, conveyed out of the city, or secreted here and privately buried. Cases of subsequent deaths from wounds, it is known, were attributed to other causes. Eighteen persons are known to have been killed by the rioters, eleven of whom were colored.

The number of buildings burned by the mob, from Monday morning until Wednesday morning, was over fifty, among them the Colored Orphan Asylum, two Police Stations, three Provost Marshal's Offices, and an entire block of dwellings on Broadway. A large number of stores and dwellings were sacked, though not burned, and their contents destroyed or carried away. The aggregate amount of property destroyed and stolen amounts to upwards of one million two hundred thousand dollars.

July 9th 1863 - The Surrender of Port Hudson

From "The Guns of Port Hudson":

Union Officers were decked out in their finest with the men equally polished. At 7 AM the 13th Connecticut band struck up "Yankee Doodle Dandy" and the long column began its belated entry into Port Hudson.  At its head rode Brigadier General Andrews, newly designated post commander with his staff and colors.

As the Column of 1,000 soldiers snaked into Port Hudson, flags flying and bands playing, the effects of the siege were noticed.  On all sides, were broken trees, damaged building and scarred earth.

Soon they came upon a long gray line of ragged Confederate soldiers, their backs to the river, each unit distinguished by its own colors and peculiar uniforms.  The officers stood with their men, some of them dressed in the most outlandish uniforms, complete with peacock feathers, elbow gauntlets, padded epaulets, and bell crowned hats.

Many of the Confederates, only 3,000 in number (the field hospitals were overflowing with sick and wounded)  appeared dejected and sad.  But others were defiant, even to the point of muttering, "They couldn't take us by fighting, they had to starve us out".

The Federal columns turned right, advancing parallel to the Confederate Lines, and turned toward the railroad depot. It was then that the the bands turned from the patriot strains of "The Star Spangled Banner" to "Dixie" and the Rebels stood a little straighter, laughed and smiled, and a few cheers rent the air. Then the Federal column did a left face, and came eye-to-eye with their old enemy, with only the road separating them.

Salutes were exchanged. Officers introduced, hands shaken, and all assumed their proper positions. Then, with a roll of drums, the surrender ceremonies began.

All up and down the ragged lines, Colonels and Captains brought their men to attention, their shouted commands ringing out in procession from center to right and center to left.

Finally, Confederate General Beale stepped forward and gave the command, "Ground Arms". This was followed by the blaring of bugles, at which all Confederates bowed their heads and then placed their muskets on the ground. Some did so reverently; a few flung their muskets to the ground in disgust.

Never had the Commanding Confederate General [Gardner] felt prouder of his men.  Only moments before he had ridden down the line to rousing cheers. "Nobly you have performed your duty. The cheerfulness, bravery, and zeal, displayed during this long siege has never been surpassed.."

Now, with tears in his eyes, he presented his sword, hilt first, to General Andrews and said "Having defended the place to the last extremity, I now surrender it into your hands".

Andrews handed it back, stating "I receive this sword as a token of surrender of this place, but return it to you as a mark of respect for bravery - although I wish it had been shown in a different cause"

Momentarily, the Stars and Bars, were hauled down from the flagstaff.  Ensign Robert Swann sprang to the halyard and rapidly ran up the Stars and Stripes.  No one cheered. Instead, the union soldiers seemed to share the anguish of their beaten foe.

At this time, Union gunboats rolled up a thundering salute to the colors, followed by the blaring of whistles as the Union fleet began to drift downriver. Finally, the bands struck up the happy notes of "Home, Sweet Home" - then both sides cheered - and the matter was finished.

Book Review: 98 Days - A Geographer's Review of the Vicksburg Campaign.

This is one of the most informative books I've read on the Vicksburg Campaign. While the prose is rather mediocre, Professor Grabau explains several things about the campaign that have always puzzled me. To whit:

•  1) Why was Vicksburg so important? Answer: Vicksburg and Port Hudson kept Union gunboats out of this 240 mile stretch of Mississippi, thereby allowing the Confederates to ship supplies down the Red River and across the Mississippi to the East. 
•  2) Why was the Black River considered a military obstacle despite its low water level in summer? Answer: The River has steep banks that retard movement by wagons or artillery no matter what the water level. Which is why fords and bridges were so important. Add that the uncleared banks were full of trees, brush, and fallen timber, and you can see why roads leading to fords and bridges were the only way over the river. 
•  3) Why were military operations in Mississippi difficult in mid to late Summer? Answer: Not only did most of the creeks and small lakes dry up, but the lack of well-water meant armies had to depend on farmers rainwater cisterns for water. And these cisterns weren't big enough to supply a large army with water. Both armies at Vicksburg had to transport water from the Mississippi or Yazoo to their troops. The Confederates by hand, the Union by water-wagon. 
•  4) Why were Civil war armies brought to a halt by rain? Roads contained neither gravel or rock, rain turned them to mud and the average Civil war wagon or Artillery piece had ground pressure PSI of 64. By comparison a Sherman Tank had a ground pressure PSI of 14. Result: the wagon or artillery soon sunk to its axles in mud.

The Raid on Darien, Georgia - June 9th 1863 - Robert Gould Shaw

St. Simons Island, Ga. [Robert Gould Shaw]
Tuesday, June 9, 1863

My Dearest Annie,

We arrived at the southern point of this island at six this morning. I went ashore to report to Colonel [James] Montgomery, and was ordered to proceed with my regiment to a place called "Pike's Bluff," on the inner coast of the island, and encamp. We came up here in another steamer, the "Sentinel," as the "De Molay" is too large for the inner waters,—and took possession to-day of a plantation formerly owned by Mr. Gould. We have a very nice camping-ground for the regiment, and I have my quarters in "the house"; very pleasantly situated, and surrounded by fine large trees. The island is beautiful, as far as I have seen it. You would be enchanted with the scenery here; the foliage is wonderfully thick, and the trees covered with hanging moss, making beautiful avenues wherever there is a road or path; it is more like the tropics than anything I have seen. Mr. Butler King's plantation, where I first went ashore, must have been a beautiful place, and well kept. It is entirely neglected now, of course; and as the growth is very rapid, two years' neglect almost covers all traces of former care.

June 12th—If I could have gone on describing to you the beauties of this region, who knows but I might have made a fine addition to the literature of our age? But since I wrote the above, I have been looking at something very different.

On Wednesday, a steamboat appeared off our wharf, and Colonel Montgomery hailed me from the deck with, "How soon can you get ready to start on an expedition?" I said, "In half an hour," and it was not long before we were on board with eight companies, leaving two for camp-guard.

We steamed down by his camp, where two other steamers with five companies from his regiment, and two sections of Rhode Island artillery, joined us. A little below there we ran aground, and had to wait until midnight for flood-tide, when we got away once more.

At 8 A.M., we were at the mouth of the Altamaha River, and immediately made for Darien. We wound in and out through the creeks, twisting and turning continually, often heading in directly the opposite direction from that which we intended to go, and often running aground, thereby losing much time. Besides our three vessels, we were followed by the gunboat "Paul Jones."

On the way up, Montgomery threw several shells among the plantation buildings, in what seemed to me a very brutal way; for he didn't know how many women and children there might be.

About noon we came in sight of Darien, a beautiful little town. Our artillery peppered it a little, as we came up, and then our three boats made fast to the wharves, and we landed the troops. The town was deserted, with the exception of two white women and two negroes.

Montgomery ordered all the furniture and movable property to be taken on board the boats. This occupied some time; and after the town was pretty thoroughly disembowelled, he said to me, "I shall burn this town." He speaks always in a very low tone, and has quite a sweet smile when addressing you. I told him, "I did not want the responsibility of it," and he was only too happy to take it all on his shoulders; so the pretty little place was burnt to the ground, and not a shed remains standing; Montgomery firing the last buildings with his own hand. One of my companies assisted in it, because he ordered them out, and I had to obey. You must bear in mind, that not a shot had been fired at us from this place, and that there were evidently very few men left in it. All the inhabitants (principally women and children) had fled on our approach, and were no doubt watching the scene from a distance. Some of our grape-shot tore the skirt of one of the women whom I saw. Montgomery told her that her house and property should be spared; but it went down with the rest.

The reasons he gave me for destroying Darien were, that the Southerners must be made to feel that this was a real war, and that they were to be swept away by the hand of God, like the Jews of old. In theory it may seem all right to some, but when it comes to being made the instrument of the Lord's vengeance, I myself don't like it. Then he says, "We are outlawed, and therefore not bound by the rules of regular warfare" but that makes it none the less revolting to wreak our vengeance on the innocent and defenceless.

By the time we had finished this dirty piece of business, it was too dark to go far down the narrow river, where our boat sometimes touched both banks at once; so we lay at anchor until daylight, occasionally dropping a shell at a stray house. The "Paul Jones" fired a few guns as well as we.

I reached camp at about 2 P.M. to-day, after as abominable a job as I ever had a share in.

We found a mail waiting for us, and I received your dear letter, and several from Father, Mother, Effie, and some business correspondence. This is the first news we have had since our departure, and I rather regained my good spirits.

Now, dear Annie, remember not to breathe a word of what I have written about this raid, to any one out of our two families, for I have not yet made up my mind what I ought to do. Besides my own distaste for this barbarous sort of warfare, I am not sure that it will not harm very much the reputation of black troops and of those connected with them. For myself, I have gone through the war so far without dishonour, and I do not like to degenerate into a plunderer and robber,—and the same applies to every officer in my regiment. There was not a deed performed, from beginning to end, which required any pluck or courage. If we had fought for possession of the place, and it had been found necessary to hold or destroy it, or if the inhabitants had done anything which deserved such punishment, or if it were a place of refuge for the enemy, there might have been some reason for Montgomery's acting as he did; but as the case stands, I can't see any justification. If it were the order of our government to overrun the South with fire and sword, I might look at it in a different light; for then we should be carrying out what had been decided upon as a necessary policy. As the case stands, we are no better than "Semmes," who attacks and destroys defenceless vessels, and haven't even the poor excuse of gaining anything by it; for the property is of no use to us, excepting that we can now sit on chairs instead of camp-stools.

But all I complain of; is wanton destruction. After going through the hard campaigning and hard fighting in Virginia, this makes me very much ashamed of myself.

Montgomery, from what I have seen of him, is a conscientious man, and really believes what he says,—"that he is doing his duty to the best of his knowledge and ability."

...There are two courses only for me to pursue: to obey orders and say nothing; or to refuse to go on any more such expeditions, and be put under arrest, probably court-martialled, which is a serious thing.

June 13th.—This letter I am afraid will be behindhand, for a boat went to Hilton Head this morning from the lower end of the island, and I knew nothing about it. Colonel Montgomery has gone up himself; and will not be back until Tuesday probably.

...To-day I rode over to Pierce Butler's plantation. It is an immense place, and parts of it very beautiful. The house is small, and badly built, like almost all I have seen here. There are about ten of his slaves left there, all of them sixty or seventy years old. He sold three hundred slaves about three years ago.

I talked with some, whose children and grandchildren were sold then, and though they said that was a "weeping day," they maintained that "Massa Butler was a good massa," and they would give anything to see him again. When I told them I had known Miss Fanny, they looked very much pleased, and one named John wanted me to tell her I had seen him. They said all the house-servants had been taken inland by the overseer at the beginning of the war; and they asked if we couldn't get their children back to the island again. These were all born and bred on the place, and even selling away their families could not entirely efface their love for their master. Isn't it horrible to think of a man being able to treat such faithful creatures in such a manner?

The island is traversed from end to end by what they call a shell-road; which is hard and flat, excellent for driving. On each side there are either very large and overhanging trees, with thick underbrush, or open country covered with sago-palm, the sharp-pointed leaves making the country impassable. Occasionally we meet with a few fields of very poor grass; when there is no swamp, the soil is very sandy.

There are a good many of these oyster-shell roads, for in many places there are great beds of them, deposited nobody knows when, I suppose. The walls of many of the buildings are built of cement mixed with oyster-shells, which make it very durable.

I forgot to tell you that the negroes at Mr. Butler's remembered Mrs. Kemble very well, and said she was a very fine lady. They hadn't seen her since the young ladies were very small, they said. My visit there was very interesting and touching.

A deserted homestead is always a sad sight, but here in the South we must look a little deeper than the surface, and then we see that every such overgrown plantation, and empty house, is a harbinger of freedom to the slaves, and every lover of his country, even if he have no feeling for the slaves themselves, should rejoice.

Next to Mr. Butler's is the house of Mr. James E. Cooper. It must have been a lovely spot; the garden is well laid out, and the perfume of the flowers is delicious. The house is the finest on the island. The men from our gunboats have been there, and all the floors are strewed with books and magazines of every kind. There is no furniture in any of these houses.

Please send this to Father, for I want him and Mother to read it, and I don't care about writing it over.

Colonel Montgomery's original plan, on this last expedition, was to land about fifteen miles above Darien, and march down on two different roads to the town, taking all the negroes to be found, and burning every planter's house on the passage. I should have commanded our detachment, in that case. The above are the orders he gave me.

Good bye for to-day, dearest Annie.

Your loving Rob

General Bowen's Reply to Pemberton's inquiry - Can we break out of Vicksburg?

HEADQUARTERS BOWEN'S DIVISION,
Vicksburg, MISS., July 2, 1863.

GENERAL: In reply to your inquiry of this morning in regard to the condition of my command to force their way through the enemy's lines in case that the necessity should arise to evacuate this position, I have the honor to state that my men are in as good, if not better spirits, than any others in the line, and able to stand as much fatigue, yet I do not consider them capable (physically) of enduring the hardships incident to such an undertaking. Forty-five days' incessant duty day and night, with short rations, the wear of both mind and body incident to our situation, has had a marked effect upon them, and I am satisfied they cannot give battle and march over 10 or 12 miles in the same day.

In view of the fact that General Johnston has never held out the slightest hope to us that the siege could be raised; that his demonstration in our favor to relieve this exhausted garrison would of necessity be sufficient to raise it, I see no alternative but to endeavor to rescue the command by making terms with the enemy. Under the most favorable circumstances, were we to cut our way out, we could not, in my opinion, save two-THIRDS of our present effective strength. No provision could be made for our wounded who fell in the attempt, or those we leave behind in the hospitals, and our army would reach General Johnston (if we should get through) a mere handful of broken-down stragglers.

I would, therefore, recommend that an immediate proposition be made to capitulate. If accepted, we get every thing we have any right to hope for; if rejected, we can still hold out stubbornly for some days, and our enemy may make the proposal to us. When our rations are exhausted, or nearly so, we may accept a surrender with the condition of a general parole instead of imprisonment for the command. If the offer is made at once, we have a better chance of making terms than when we have only one day's resistance in store in case of a refusal. The proposition coming from us, if rejected, will make our men determined to fight to the last; theirs, on the contrary, will feel that after Vicksburg has been offered, their blood is shed to gratify a mere vindictive feeling against its garrison, whose only fault has been the noble defense they have made, and I believe that numbers of the enemy have still enough manhood to admire our courage and determination and urge liberal terms of capitulation.

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JNO. S. BOWEN,
Major-General.

General Smith's Reply to Pemberton's inquiry - Can we break out of Vicksburg?

DIVISION HEADQUARTERS, July 2, 1863.

GENERAL: Your note of yesterday desires of me a reply on two points, viz: The condition of my troops, and their ability to make the marches and undergo the fatigue necessary to a successful evacuation of this place. The length of the marches and the amount of fatigue necessary to a successful evacuation not being indicated, I confine myself to giving the following information and opinions: There are about 3,000 men in my DIVISION, including State troops, in a condition to undertake a march of 8 or 10 miles a day in this weather, if there is an opportunity of resting at intervals. Out of these 3,000, only about 2,000 are considered reliable in case we are strongly opposed and much harassed. A secret evacuation I consider almost impossible, on account of the temper of many in my command, who would, of necessity, be left be hind, not to mention their natural timidity when left alone, which would induce them to at once get into communication with the enemy for their own fancied safety. I would really expect the enemy to become aware of the movement before my command had cleared the right of our line. It is proper to mention that the 2,000 alluded to have suffered severely in the loss of field officers during the siege; and while their individual bravery remains the same, they will be more readily thrown into confusion from want of officers to handle them, if forced to halt and go through any formation to oppose an enemy. In other words, while under the impression that the troops will to-day resist an assault as obstinately, or perhaps more so, as when they first manned the trenches, I do not think they would do as well out of them and in the field.

I believe that General Johnston either has or will fight Grant, and my hope has been that he would be successful and in time to relieve us. At present, however, I see no chance of timely relief from him, and him dispatches have never indicated a hope of being able to raise the siege. Under these circumstances, I deem it best to propose terms of capitulation before forced to do so from want of provisions.

The following, although not called for by your note, is respectfully stated on account of a personal conversation had some days since. In regard to evacuating with or without entering into terms of agreement with the enemy, I should much prefer the former. There is to my mind no practical difference between giving up a place openly or secretly.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
M. S. SMITH,
Major-General.

Forney's Reply to General Pemberton's inquiry - Can we break out of Vicksburg?

Near Vicksburg, July 2, 1863.

GENERAL: In reply to your confidential note of yesterday, requesting to be informed as to the condition of my troops and their ability to make the marches and undergo the fatigues necessary to accomplish a successful evacuation, as heartrending as the reply may be, I have to state that I concur in the unanimous opinion of the brigade and regimental commanders, that the physical condition and health of our men are not sufficiently good to enable them to accomplish successfully the evacuation. The spirit of the men is still, however, unshaken, and I am satisfied they will cheerfully continue to bear the fatigues and privations of the siege. I inclose herewith for your further information the brigade reports.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JNO. H. FORNEY,
Major-General.

Stevenson's Reply to General Pemberton's inquiry - Can we break out of Vicksburg?

HEADQUARTERS STEVENSON'S DIVISION,
Vicksburg, July 2, 1863.

TO GENERAL PEMBERTON:

Your note (confidential) of yesterday, requesting me to inform you as to the condition of my troops and their ability to make the marches and undergo the fatigue necessary to accomplish a successful evacuation of this city, was duly received, and I have the honor to reply thereto as follows: My men are very cheerful, but from long confinement (more than forty-five days) in the trenches on short rations, are necessarily much enfeebled, and a considerable number would be unable to make the marches and undergo the fatigues which would probably be necessary to a successful evacuation of this city. If pressed by the enemy, and it should be necessary to place the Big Black in our rear in one march, the chances are that a large number of them now in the trenches could not succeed. I believe, however, that most of them, rather than be captured, would exert themselves to the utmost to accomplish it. I respectfully transmit herewith the opinions of my brigade commanders on these points.

I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
GENERAL C. L. STEVENSON,

Vicksburg - After the Surrender - July 4th 1863

Departing from Rock House, Grant overtook Logan's vanguard before it reached the courthouse. At Noon, Col Maltby called the 45th Illinois to attention. As Grant and Logan looked on, the confederate flag was lowered, and the colors of the 45th Illinois or 4th Minnesota were raised.  The Soldiers unable to restrain themselves cheered wildly, the band struck up "Hail Columbia", "Yankee Doodle" and closed with "Home sweet Home".  While the Band played, the troops paraded around the courthouse, which was unscathed, except where the cupola had been struck by a dud 30 Pound shell.

At this point, some of the Union's wilder spirits took advantage of the courthouse (surrender) ceremonies to prowl the town before a provost guard could be organized. Several drunk staff officers climbed the iron stairway leading to the courthouse copula singing the star spangled banner and banishing a captured signal flag.

Later, Sgt Wilcox of the 33rd Illinois saw" Rebel officers and union officers riding together through the streets, and in some instances, both parties were so drunk they could barely sit on their horses".
Confederate Captain Guion saw Confederates and Union soldiers loot the Washington street stores. Hogsheads of sugar were rolled into the street, broken open, and soldiers both Blue and Grey walked off with the contents.  The safe in C.C. Kress' store was broken into and $20,000 stolen, along with most of his dry goods. Confederate Corporal Anderson - 1st Missouri - reported occupied residences were generally left undisturbed, while unoccupied ones had their mirrors stolen.

Liquor was discovered and Vicksburg resident Mrs William Lord, complained that soldiers (both North and South) "All...day they were streaming through town and in and out of my yard, and so drunk".

As soon as a provost guard was organized, the marauding was brought under control by Union authorities.

Richard Howard - 124th Illinois, noted he did not see "a ragged looking person in the city" and respected the rebels and admired their spirit.  They "stoutly maintained that we had done them  very little if any damage" but were ready to call it quits.

Relations between Blue and Grey were generally good. However, before the paroled Confederates left the area, relations between Northern and Southern soldiers deteriorated. Hot words were exchanged, and tempers flared. Street brawls between blue and grey erupted. A number of men were badly beaten, and one or two killed.  In one of these fights, a Confederate killed a Union soldier who had insulted him.  Taken to Grant's HQ,  the man was released from custody, when the Federal officers learned of the circumstances.

Halleck on Sherman Removing Civilians from Atlanta

September 25, 1864

General Sherman: Your communications of September 20th in regard to the removal of families from Atlanta, and the exchange of prisoners, and also the official report of your campaign, are just received. The course which you have pursued in removing rebel families from Atlanta, and in the exchange of prisoners, is fully approved by the War Department. Not only are you justified by the laws and usages of war in removing these people, but I think it was your duty to your own army to do so. Moreover, I am fully of opinion that the nature of your position, the character of the war, the conduct of the enemy (and especially of non-combatants and women of the territory which we have heretofore conquered and occupied), will justify you in gathering up all the forage and provisions which your army may require, both for a siege of Atlanta and for your supply in your march farther into the enemy's country.

Let the disloyal families of the country, thus stripped, go to their husbands, fathers, and natural protectors, in the rebel ranks; we have tried three years of conciliation and kindness without any reciprocation; on the contrary, those thus treated have acted as spies and guerrillas in our rear and within our lines. The safety of our armies, and a proper regard for the lives of our soldiers, require that we apply to our inexorable foes the severe rules of war. We certainly are not required to treat the so-called non-combatant rebels better than they themselves treat each other. Even herein Virginia, within fifty miles of Washington, they strip their own families of provisions, leaving them, as our army advances, to be fed by us, or to starve within our lines. We have fed this class of people long enough.

Let them go with their husbands and fathers in the rebel ranks; and if they won't go, we must send them to their friends and natural protectors. I would destroy every mill and factory within reach which I did not want for my own use. This the rebels have done, not only in Maryland and Pennsylvania, but also in Virginia and other rebel States, when compelled to fall back before our armies. In many sections of the country they have not left a mill to grind grain for their own suffering families, lest we might use them to supply our armies. We must do the same.>

I have endeavored to impress these views upon our commanders for the last two years. You are almost the only one who has properly applied them. I do not approve of General Hunter's course in burning private homes or uselessly destroying private property. That is barbarous. But I approve of taking or destroying whatever may serve as supplies to us or to the enemy's army. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, H. W. HALLECK, Major-General, Chief of Staff

General Howard on who burned Columbia

I had gone on through the city and taken up my quarters at the College; but, noticing the extraordinary conduct of Stone's brigade, I quickly sent for an- other brigade to replace this, and then a little later for another. Finally, I had the whole of one division and a part of another guarding the city, and endeavoring to protect the inhabitants and save all that was possible from the flames. There were many imprisoned people — Negroes, Union prisoners of war, and State convicts — who were let loose by our men. There were also criminal classes and drunken soldiers. All these elements, doubtless, were soon engaged in making bad matters worse, against my wishes and the orders of the other commanders. The ensuing great damage was originally owing to the fires set by the Confederate authorities. I spoke of the depot being consumed. Near that was a magazine. The day before we entered some Confederates were said to be plundering there. They dropped a spark, perhaps from a cigar, where there was some powder upon the floor. This explosion, which was an accident, may have also been the cause of the burning of the railroad station.

It would be impossible to exaggerate the horrors of that long night between the 17th and 18th of February, 1865. Sherman, Logan, and myself, with all the officers under our command, worked faithfully to care for the people who were exposed, and we did save many houses in different parts of the city. The flames would lick up a house seemingly in an instant and shoot from house to house with incredible rapidity. The very heavens at times appeared on fire. A wide street was no barrier. Clusters of inhabitants would carry out all their valuables and sit upon them, and they were often guarded by faithful men. A large number of our men, who perhaps drank whisky for the first time when it was brought to them that day in buckets, became blindly drunk, and hundreds perished in the flames in spite of all the efforts of their comrades to save them.

 It was about three o'clock the morning of the 18th when the wind changed to the opposite quarter, and after that, with little effort, we were able to arrest the progress of the fire, so that more than one third of the beautiful city of Columbia was suffered to re main untouched. During the night I met Logan and Woods and other general officers, and they were taking every possible measure to stop the fire and prevent disorder. Nevertheless, some escaped prisoners, convicts from the penitentiary just broken open, army followers, and drunken soldiers ran through house after house and were doubtless guilty of all manner of villainies, and it was these men that, I presume, set new fires farther to the windward in the northern part of the city. 

-From the Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard: 

What else was destroyed at Columbia - Feb 1865

The following are the estimates of what were so destroyed [at Columbia]:

• 1,000 bales of cotton, 
• 19 locomotives,
•  20 box cars;
•  five tons of railroad machinery,
• 25 powder mills, the mills being destroyed by being blown up; 
• Armory near the Congaree River,
• 10 tons of machinery used by the Confederate army, 
• 43 cannon.
• 10,000 rounds artillery ammunition
• 500,000 rounds for small arms

From the Autobiography of O.O. Howard

A Refugee Train leaves Columbia - Feb 1865

From the Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard: 

My rear guard for February 20, 1865, the day of departure, consisted of two brigades, one from each corps. They were the two that were then guarding the town. Just in advance of these, who had brought out all the stragglers, was a new and remarkable accession to my columns, called a "refugee train." It consisted of thousands of people who wished to leave Columbia, mostly Negroes besides at least 800 Whites.' The refugees carried their luggage on pack horses, on their backs, or in vehicles of every conceivable description.

A variety of reasons caused this extraordinary exodus; for example, escaping prisoners feared re- incarceration  those who had betrayed their loyalty to the old flag, hitherto concealed, feared revenges; those who had been especially kind to the Yankees had signs of coming retribution, and many who had lost everything by the fire desired to escape extreme want - besides these, a number of traders, bent upon money- making, joined the procession with wagon loads of trunks and boxes. I may say that I was obliged to deal severely with the latter class, at least with the freightage, in order to reduce my refugee train within such limits that it could be protected and brought along without detriment or hindrance to the fighting force of the army.

In a letter written a little later, which I sent down the Cape Fear River for home consumption, I re marked that we brought from Columbia quite a number of men, women, and children who had trudged along in wagons, ambulances, on horses, or on foot. We had two families at our headquarters who had completely mastered all the discomforts of military life and enjoyed the novelty. A gentleman artist, by the name of Halpin, with his wife and daughter, and a Mr. Soule, a telegraph operator, with his bride, were our guests.

How to quickly judge a Civil War Book

Simply apply the "Young Napoleon" test.  The more the author refers to McClellan as  "The Young Napoleon"  - the worse the book.

Lee on the South's Greatest Mistake

Georgia Senator Benjamin Harvey Hill  asked Lee (in 1864) to name the Confederacy's greatest mistake. His reply:

"We made a great mistake in the beginning of our struggle, and I fear, in spite of all we can do, it will prove a fatal mistake"

"What mistake is that General?"

"Why sir in the beginning we appointed all our worst generals to command our armies, and all our best generals to edit our newspapers. I have done the best I could in the field, and have not succeeded as I would wish. I am willing to yield my place to these best generals, and I will do my best for the cause editing a newspaper.

Even as a poor soldier as I am can generally discover mistakes after it is all over, but if I could only induce these wise gentlemen who see them so clearly beforehand to communicate with me in advance, instead of waiting until the evil has come upon me."

Why Andersonville was a death camp - The Confederate Surgeon's Report

From the Report of T.S. Hopkins, Confederate Acting Assistant Surgeon August 1, 1864

Causes of Death and Mortality
1. Large number of prisoners crowded together (35 square feet per man)
2. The entire absence of vegetables causing Scurvy.
3. The want of barracks and shelter from the sun and rain.
4. The lack of wood for cooking and good water
5. Badly cooked food (when cooked)
6. Filthy condition of prisoners and the prison
7. The morbidific emanations from the branch (stream) passing through the camp which is a morass of filth and human excrement.

The chief causes of death were scurvy and its results, and bowel afflictions - acute diarrhea and dysentery. Scurvy being caused by the unvarying diet of corn meal, salt and meat with but few vegtables  and imperfect supplies of vinegar and syrup.